Members of the migrant caravan bound for the
United States rest outside of Arriaga, Mexico on
Oct. 27. (Rodrigo Abd / Associated Press)
From the bench in San Francisco this month, U.S. District Judge Jon S. Tigar unilaterally decided what our national border policies are. With a migrant caravan of thousands amassed just south of San Diego, this one judge blocked President Trump’s executive order banning asylum applications from anyone who doesn’t come through a legal port of entry.
Tigar’s nationwide injunction means
anyone from the caravan who makes it
into California can stay in the U.S. for
as long as it takes to process his or
her asylum claim — a process that can
take years. Asked by the Department of
Justice last week to lift this
injunction, Tigar refused.
This
is just the latest example of abuse of
judicial injunction powers. It’s time
for Congress to reassert its
constitutional prerogatives by reining
in the out-of-control judiciary.
Individual federal district courts never
issued preliminary injunctions
overturning entire policies enacted by
executive order until the 1960s. But in
the last decade — and especially since
Donald Trump entered the White House —
such injunctions have become a regular
feature of American governance.
Tigar’s injunction marked the 26th time
a judge has blocked a Trump
administration policy nationwide without
so much as a trial. That’s more
injunctions in less than two years than
any other president endured through his
entire tenure in office.
The
ideological leanings of certain judges
and the hysterical focus among liberal
lawyers on “resisting” Trump have
certainly played a role in this state of
affairs. But a consensus is forming —
among
conservatives,
libertarians
and
liberals
alike — that this is not how the
government is supposed to function.
This spate
of judicial bullying has laid bare a
major structural problem with our
federal courts: When nationwide
injunctions are too easily obtained, the
country is essentially ruled by a
judicial dictatorship.
Activist
lawyers know that a major test case
takes at least months — and more often
years — to make its way through the
federal court system to the Supreme
Court. If they can find just one federal
judge somewhere in the country who is
sympathetic to their arguments, they can
set policy for the entire country while
that lengthy process plays out.
Trump’s ban on travel from terror-prone
countries, for example, was eventually
upheld by the Supreme Court as a
constitutional use of executive
authority. Yet for months, the American
Civil Liberties Union and other liberal
groups were able to bend the entire
executive branch to their will because
they found a sympathetic ear among
federal judges in Hawaii and California
who were willing to put an injunction in
place against the travel ban.
Encouraged by that success, liberal
activists have used the same
antidemocratic tactic to force the
Department of Justice to hand over
federal grant money to so-called
sanctuary cities, compel the armed
services to accept transgender military
recruits, and foist various other policy
prescriptions onto the whole nation.
The desperation stirred up among
activists who detest Trump’s policies
has brought the problem of nationwide
injunctions to the fore. This is not,
however, simply a left vs. right issue.
During Barack Obama’s presidency,
conservatives also pursued a number of
nationwide injunctions to frustrate his
agenda and upset the normal process of
court cases. Even today, Democrats
have
concerns that a nationwide injunction
out of a court in Texas could render
Obamacare unworkable.
This is a
threat to the rule of law that needs to
be fixed. The Justice Department has
already
issued
a memo directing U.S. attorneys to fight
the imposition of nationwide injunctions
all the way to the Supreme Court. In
time, the Supreme Court and the circuit
courts could limit the circumstances
under which lower courts are able to
issue nationwide injunctions.
Ultimately, though, the federal courts
operate under parameters and rules set
by Congress. That’s why lawmakers
have proposed
legislation
to make clear to federal judges the very
limited circumstances under which they
can issue these sweeping injunctions.
This isn’t about politics; it’s
about returning the courts to their
proper constitutional role. The
executive branch cannot function
effectively if activist lawyers —
without winning a single election — can
set policy for months or years just by
shopping around for a federal judge
sympathetic to their cause.
Joseph DiGenova is an American attorney who served as the United States Attorney for the District of Columbia from 1983 to 1988.